FINAL EXAM STUDY GUIDE

FINAL EXAM FORMAT:

I. Multiple Choice: 15 of 17 (30%)
These will be taken from the information since the midterm.

II. Essay (70%) You will have two questions. The two questions will come from the following areas:

a. Sectionalism: from the foundation of the nation(from the signing of the Constitution) to the Civil War.

b. The North and South from origins to the Civil War. For this question, go all the way back to the beginning of the class...colonial New England and Colonial Chesapeake. Compare these two regions from that point until the Civil War.

c. War and History: the French and Indian War, the Revolution, the War of 1812, the War with Mexico, and the Civil War. (causes and outcomes)

d. Course Readings: Consider the key themes from The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin, the Five Civilized Tribes and Celia, A Slave. Link each of these to its time….Benjamin… to the mid-century challenges, Five… to the Indian Removal discussion, and Celia… to slavery and sectionalism


FOR ALL OF THESE ESSAYS, REMEMBER, PLAN TO WRITE FOR AT LEAST AN HOUR. THIS IS A COMPLETE AND THOROUGH ESSAY AND SHOULD HAVE NUMEROUS REFERENCES TO SPECIFIC DETAIL.
TO STUDY, MAKE OUTLINES FOR EACH THEME, ADDING TONS OF INFORMATION.

Turnitin.com Information

The class id is 3639794
We discussed the password in class, and so you should know it is history.

The Gettysburg Address November 19, 1863

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate -- we can not consecrate -- we can not hallow -- this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion -- that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

ROAD TO THE CIVIL WAR

--Road to War--

I. Sectional Differences:
A. The Breadbasket West:

St. Louis, Cincinnati, Milwaukee, Indianapolis, Chicago

Chicago: 1833: 150 houses
1847: 17,000 people
1860: 109,000 people

B. The Urbanizing North
1820: 6.1%
1860: 20%
1860: 110,274 industrial
establishments
(128,300 in entire country)

1860 Northern City Population
1. New York City - 813,669
2. Philadelphia - 565,529
3. Brooklyn - 266,661
4. Baltimore - 212,418
5. Boston - 177,840
6. Cincinnati - 161,044
7. St. Louis - 160,773
8. Chicago - 112,172
9. Buffalo - 81,129
10. Newark - 71,941
(The only Southern city to compare was New Orleans with 168,675 citizens) Source: 1860 U.S. Census

C. The Oligarchic South

--1860: 5.6 million whites
--1700 own around 100 slaves
--46,274 own around 20 slaves
--slave population was 3.84 million
--26,000 free blacks in the South
--36% of families in South own
slaves in 1830
--25% of families in South own
slaves in 1860
--Traveling the 1,460 miles from Baltimore to
New Orleans in 1850 meant riding five different railroads, two stage coaches, and two steamboats.
--By 1850, 20 percent of adult white southerners
could not read or write, compared to a national figure of 8 percent.


DO THESE DIFFERENCES MATTER?

Wilmot Proviso (1846)

II. COMPROMISE OF 1850

1845: 15-13 (Texas and Florida)
1846: 15-14 (Iowa)
1848: 15-15 (Wisconsin)

1. Fugitive Slave Act
2. Abolish slave trade in D.C.
3. Cali in as Free State
4. Popular Sovereignty in new territories
5. Resolved boundary dispute btw. Texas
and New Mexico

III. The Trouble Escalates:
A. Transcontinental Railroad
--Stephen Douglas
B. Kansas-Nebraska Act
C. “Bleeding Kansas”
--New England Emigrant Aid Company
--“Beecher’s Bibles”
--John Brown
--Pottawatomie Creek
D. The Caning of Sumner

IV. Party Politics
A. Decline of the Whigs
B. Rise and Fall of the "Know-Nothings"
C. Rise of the Republicans
--The Election of 1856--
Buchanan vs. Fremont in North
Buchanan vs. Fillmore in South

V. On the Verge of War:
A. Dred Scott
B. Panic of 1857
C. Lincoln-Douglas Debates
D. John Brown's Raid
E. The Election of Lincoln
Lincoln (Rep.)
Douglas (Dem.) {border and North}
Breckinridge (Dem.) {South}

Lincoln’s First Inaugural Address: March 4, 1861
In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it."

I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.

Fort Sumter, the first official “battle” of the Civil War, would occur a month later (April 12, 1861)

War with Mexico

Causes of War
Economic Expansion:
Playing Politics:
British Interests in Texas
Slave State Power Grab
Ideas:
Manifest Destiny
John L. O’Sullivan
Two Wars:
California

Mexico

Outcome:

A. Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848)

1. Mexican cession of 525,000 square miles
2. U.S. pays $15 million
3. U.S. assumes $3.25 million in debt to Mexico

B. Gadsen Purchase: $10 million

C. Trouble: (imbalance)

SLAVERY ESSAY TOPICS

FORMAT: 3-4 PAGES, DOUBLE-SPACED, TYPED

Section 1: Essay Due FRIDAY, 11/15
Section 2: Essay Due TUESDAY, 11/16

Remember, the best way to be certain that your essay is ready to be turned in as a final draft is to bring me a rough draft in the days before the final draft is due so that we can revise it together. I CAN ONLY REVISE ONE DRAFT WITH YOU, SO REVISE AND EDIT AS MUCH AS POSSIBLE BEFORE BRINGING ME A ROUGH DRAFT.

Remember, your own original analysis of whichever question you choose is crucial. If you are thinking of this history paper as a description of a book or two, think again! Simple description is pointless; make an argument! Again, these issues will be discussed further on the blog and in class.

In a well argued and thoroughly revised essay, answer one of the following questions:

1. Considering Celia, A Slave, and at least two of the Slave Narratives from the American Memory Project what role did violence play in maintaining order on the plantation?
http://lcweb2.loc.gov/ammem/snhtml/snhome.html

2. Compare and contrast Sally Hemmings and Celia.
Here are some good sources on Hemmings:
http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/jefferson/

3. What was the meaning of music on in the antebellum slave community?
http://www.pbs.org/jazz/time/time_slavery.htm
http://americanabolitionist.liberalarts.iupui.edu/plantation_life.htm

4. If you have read The Autobiography of Frederick Douglass, this one may be for you: Compare and contrast Celia’s attack of Robert Newsom and Frederick Douglass’ fight with the overseer Covey.

5. What was more important in maintaining the discipline of the plantation, physical or psychological control?

6. MAKE UP YOUR OWN TOPIC...you must clear the topic with me or your assignment will not be accepted.

Cherokee Nation Historical Documents

Excerpts are from the closing paragraphs of an address of a council of the Cherokee Nation to the people of the United States, written in July of 1830.

* * *Before we close this address, permit us to state what we conceive to be our relations with the United States. After the peace of 1783, the Cherokees were an independent people; absolutely so, as much as any people on earth. They had been allies to Great Britain, and as a faithful ally took a part in the colonial war on her side. They had placed themselves under her protection, and had they, without cause, declared hostility against their protector, and had the colonies been subdued, what might not have been their fate? But her [Great Britain's] power on this continent was broken. She acknowledged the independence of the United States, and made peace. The Cherokees therefore stood alone; and, in these circumstances, continued the war. They were then under no obligations to the United States any more than to Great Britain, France or Spain. The United States never subjugated the Cherokees; on the contrary, our fathers remained in possesion of their country, and with arms in their hands. * * *We are aware, that some persons suppose it will be for our advantage to remove beyond the Mississippi. We think otherwise. Our people universally think otherwise. Thinking that it would be fatal to their interests, they have almost to a man sent their memorial to congress, deprecating the necessity of a removal. This question was distinctly before their minds when they signed their memorial. Not an adult person can be found, who has not an opinion on the subject, and if the people were to understand distinctly, that they could be protected against the laws of the neighboring states, there is probably not an adult person in the nation, who would think it best to remove; though possibly a few might emigrate individually. * * *We are not willing to remove; and if we could be brought to this extremity, it would be not by argument, not because our judgment was satisfied, not because our condition will be improved; but only because we cannot endure to be deprived of our national and individual rights and subjected to a process of intolerable oppression. We wish to remain on the land of our fathers. We have a perfect and original right to remain without interruption or molestation. The treaties with us, and laws of the United States made in pursuance of treaties, guaranty our residence, and our privileges and secure us against intruders. Our only request is, that these treaties may be fulfilled, and these laws executed. But if we are compelled to leave our country, we see nothing but ruin before us. The country west of the Arkansas territory is unknown to us. From what we can learn of it, we have no prepossessions in its favor. All the inviting parts of it, as we believe, are preoccupied by various Indian nations, to which it has been assigned. They would regard us as intruders, and look upon us with an evil eye. The far greater part of that region is, beyond all controversy, badly supplied with wood and water; and no Indian tribe can live as agriculturists without these articles. All our neighbers, in case of our removal, though crowded into our near vicinity, would speak a language totally different from ours, and practice different customs. The original possessors of that region are now wandering savages lurking for prey in the neighborhood. They have always been at war, and would be easily tempted to turn their arms against peaceful emigrants. Were the country to which we are urged much better than it is represented to be and were it free from the objections which we have made to it, still it is not the land of our birth, nor of our affections. It contains neither the scenes of our childhood, nor the graves of our fathers. Cherokee Nation. "Cherokee Address," Niles' Weekly Register, 21 August, 1830 pp. 455-456. The following is a memorial from the Cherokee nation in sent to the U.S. Congress in December of 1829 and published in their newspaper, the Phoenix, on January 20, 1830. To the honorable the senate and house of representatives of the United States of America, in congress assembled: The undersigned memorialists, humbly make known to your honorable bodies, that they are free citizens of the Cherokee nation. Circumstances of late occurrence have troubled our hearts, and induced us at this time to appeal to you, knowing that you are generous and just. As weak and poor children are accustomed to look to their guardians and patrons for protection, so we would come and make our grievances known. Will you listen to us? Will you have pity on us? You are great and renowned?the nation, which you represent, is like a mighty man who stands in his strength. But we are small?our name is not renowned. You are wealthy, and have need of nothing; but we are poor in life, and have not the arm and power of the rich. By the will of our Father in heaven, the governor of the whole world, the red man of America has become small, and the white man great and renowned. When the ancestors of the people of these United States first came to the shores of America, they found the red man strong?though he was ignorant and savage, yet he received them kindly, and gave them dry land to rest their weary feet. They met in peace, and shook hands in token of friendship. Whatever the white man wanted and asked of the Indian, the latter willingly gave. At that time the Indian was the lord, and the white man the suppliant. But now the scene has changed. The strength of the red man has become weakness. As his neighbors increased in numbers, his power became less, and now, of the many and powerful tribes who once covered these United States, only a few are to be seen?a few whom a sweeping pestilence has left. The northern tribes, who were once so numerous and powerful, are now nearly extinct. Thus it has happened to the red man of America. Shall we, who are remnants, share the same fate? Brothers?we address you according to usage adopted by our forefathers, and the great and good men who have successfuIly directed the councils of the nation you represent?we now make known to you our grievances. We are troubled by some of your own people. Our neighbor, the state of Georgia, is pressing hard upon us, and urging us to relinquish our possessions for her benefit. We are told, if we do not leave the country, which we dearly love, and betake ourselves to the western wilds, the laws of the state will be extended over us, and the time, 1st of June, 1830, is appointed for the execution of the edict. When we first heard of this we were grieved and appealed to our father, the president, and begged that protection might be extended over us. But we were doubly grieved when we understood, from a letter of the secretary of war to our delegation, dated March of the present year, that our father the president had refused us protection, and that he had decided in favor of the extension of the laws of the state over us. ?This decision induces us to appeal to the immediate representatives of the American people. We love, we dearly love our country, and it is due to your honorable bodies, as well as to us, to make known why we think the country is ours, and why we wish to remain in peace where we are. The land on which we stand, we have received as an inheritance from our fathers, who possessed it from time immemorial, as a gift from our common father in heaven. We have already said, that when the white man came to the shores of America, our ancestors were found in peaceable possession of this very land. They bequeathed it to us as their children, and we have sacredly kept it as containing the remains of our beloved men. This right of inheritance we have never ceded, nor ever forfeited. Permit us to ask, what better right can a people have to a country, than the right of inheritance and immemorial peaceable possession? We know it is said of late by the state of Georgia, and by the executive of the United States, that we have forfeited this right?but we think this is said gratuitously. At what time have we made the forfeit? What crime have we committed, whereby we must forever be divested of our country and rights? Was it when we were hostile to the United States, and took part with the king of Great Britain, during the struggle for independence? If so, why was not this forfeiture declared in the first treaty of peace between the United States and our beloved men? Why was not such an article as the following inserted in the treaty: "The United States give peace to the Cherokees, but, for the part they took in the late war, declare them to be but tenants at will, to be removed when the convenience of the states within whose chartered limits they live shall require it." This was the proper lime to assume such a position. But it was not thought of, nor would our forefathers have agreed to any treaty, whose tendency was to deprive them of their rights and their country. All that they have conceded and relinquished are inserted in the treaties open to the investigation of all people. We would repeat, then, the right of inheritance and peaceable possession which we claim, we have never ceded nor forfeited. In addition to that first of all rights, the right of inheritance and peaceable possession, we have the faith and pledge of the U. States, repealed over and over again, in treaties made at various times. By these treaties our rights as a separate people are distinctly acknowledged, and guarantees given that they shall be secured and protected. So we have always understood the treaties The conduct of the government towards us, from its organization until very lately, the talks given to our beloved men by the presidents of the United States, and the speeches of the agents and commissioners, all concur to show that we are not mistaken in our interpretation. ? Some of our beloved men who signed the treaties are still leaving, and their testimony tends to the same conclusion. We have always supposed that this understanding of the treaties was in accordance with the views of the government; nor have we ever imagined that any body would interpret them otherwise. In what light shall we view the conduct of the United States and Georgia, in their intercourse with us, in urging us to enter into treaties, and cede lands? If we were but tenants at will, why was it necessary that our consent must be obtained before these governments could take lawful possession of our lands? The answer is obvious. These governments perfectly understood our rights our right to the country, and our right to self government. Our understanding of the treaties is further supported by the intercourse law of the United States, which prohibits all encroachments upon our territory. The undersigned memorialists humbly represent, that if their interpretation of the treaties has been different from that of the government, then they have ever been deceived as to how the government regarded them, and what she asked and promised. Moreover, they have uniformly misunderstood their own acts. In view of the strong ground upon which their rights are founded, your memorialists solemnly protest against being considered as tenants at will, or as mere occupants of the soil, without possessing the sovereignty. We have already stated to your honorable bodies, that our forefathers were found in posseision of this soil in full sovereignty, by the first European settlers; and as we have never ceded nor forfeited the occupancy of the soil and the sovereignly over it, we do solemnly protest against being forced to leave it, either direct or by indirect measures. To the land of which we are now in possession we are attached?it is our fathers' gift?it contains their ashes?it is the land of our nativity, and the land of our intellectual birth. We cannot consent to abandon it, for another far inferior, and which holds out to us no inducements. We do moreover protest against the arbitrary measures of our neighbor, the state of Georgia, in her attempt to extend her laws over us, in surveying our lands without our consent and in direct opposition to treaties and the intercourse law of the United States, and interfering with our municipal regulations in such a manner as to derange the regular operations of our own laws. To deliver and protect them from all these and every encroachment upon their rights, the undersigned memorialists do most earnestly pray your honorable bodies. Their existence and future happiness are at stake?divest them of their liberty and country, and you sink them in degradation, and put a check, if not a final stop, to their present progresss in the arts of civilized life, and in the knowledge of the Christian religion. Your memorialists humbly conceive, that such an act would be in the highest defree oppressive. From the people of these United States, who perhaps, of all men under heaven, are the most religious and free, it cannot be expected.? Your memorialists, therefore, cannot anticipate such a result. You represent a virtuous, intelligent and Christian nation. To you they willingly submit their cause for your righteous decision. Cherokee nation, Dec. 1829. Cherokee Nation. "Memorial of the Cherokee Indians," Niles' Weekly Register vol. 38 no. 3, pp 53-54.